... Yes, the New York senator who appeared on the cover of Fortune magazine as Big Business's candidate is winning economically insecure, lower-income communities over the Illinois senator who grew up as an organizer helping those communities combat unemployment. ...
Obama has let Clinton characterize the 1990s as a nirvana, rather than a time that sowed the seeds of our current troubles. He barely criticizes the Clinton administration for championing job-killing trade agreements. He does not question that same administration's role in deregulating the financial industry and thereby intensifying today's boom-bust catastrophes. And he rarely points out what McClatchy Newspapers reported this week: that Clinton spent most of her career at a law firm "where she represented big companies and served on corporate boards," including Wal-Mart's.
... his campaign relies on corporate donations. Though Obama certainly is less industry-owned than Clinton, the Washington Post noted last spring that he was the top recipient of Wall Street contributions. That cash is hush money, contingent on candidates silencing their populist rhetoric. ...
And so, as Marable says, Obama's pitch includes "no mention of the class struggle or class conflict." It is "hope" instead of an economic case, bromide instead of critique. The result is an oxymoronic dynamic.
Obama, the person who fought blue-collar joblessness in the shadows of shuttered factories, is winning wealthy enclaves. But Clinton, the person whose globalization policies helped shutter those factories, is winning blue-collar strongholds.
Obama, who was schooled by the same organizing networks as Cesar Chavez, is being endorsed by hedge fund managers. But Clinton, business's favorite, is being endorsed by the United Farm Workers -- the union that Chavez created.
Obama, the candidate from Chicago's impoverished South Side, is finding support on Connecticut's gilded south coast. But Hillary Clinton, the candidate representing Big Money, is finding support from those with relatively little money.
As the campaign heads to the struggling Rust Belt under banners promising "change," this bizarre class war may end up guaranteeing no real transformation at all.
Nearly 50 years in east Alabama, a surname going back to Vikings invading Scotland, and finally too much religious fundamentalism coupled to reactionary radicalism motivates me. I'll share (rarely as of late) my ideas on politics, learning, ... My clan supposedly uses "Peace ... or War!" Maybe those genes compel me to join issue? (Propservralism = PRogressivism + pOPulism + conSERVatism + libeRAL + pragmatISM) Respectfully, John Gunn
Saturday, February 09, 2008
David Sirota ~ 2008's Confusing "Class War"
I will certainly support either of the above this fall yet hope to find a decent Congressional or even state race to help out. I may every well do a harmless protest vote down in Alabama for the Green Party candidate. I might perhaps write in Russ Feingold or Al Gore or ... Why? I'll let David Sirota explain. David writes:
He's right, as usual. David discusses how this all plays into racial or identity politics as well yet I'm focusing on the reality that both Senators appear to be unapologetic centrists and hardly Progressive or Populist. I'll also admit I hope they might then lead as a more enlightened politician once elected yet do think it fair and wise to prepare the country and Congress for such an approach come January of 2009. John Gunn
UPDATE - Noonish on the 9th ~ Danny Schechter asks What Is the ‘Change We Can Believe In’ Candidates Cannot Downplay America’s Economic Pain
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment